Abstract
Abstract
Accounts of negation processing, including two‐step simulation, pragmatic, and monotonicity‐based accounts, differ in their predictions about whether double negation requires additional cognitive effort relative to affirmation. Using event‐related potentials, we investigated a Mandarin Chinese double‐negation structure (“méiyǒu X bù Y”) that is logically equivalent to its affirmative counterpart (“suǒyǒu X dōu Y”). Forty native speakers read context sentences (double negation vs. affirmation) followed by critical sentences containing semantically congruent or incongruent target words. Crucially, the target word appeared in a separate sentence, downstream from the negation operators; the design, therefore, tests whether a pragmatically licensed double negation establishes a discourse representation functionally equivalent to affirmation at the point of propositional evaluation. At the critical word, incongruent words elicited larger N400/P600 amplitudes, and these congruency effects did not differ between contexts, indicating equivalent representations and no detectable downstream cost. Post‐critical analyses, however, revealed context‐specific differences: the affirmation context showed a prolonged negativity to incongruency—plausibly reflecting sustained engagement with its more salient violation—whereas the double negation context did not. A representational similarity analysis (RSA) further showed greater neural tracking of incongruency magnitude in the double negation context at a later window (726–798 ms). Together, these findings indicate that a pragmatically licensed double negation supports downstream semantic integration as efficiently as affirmation, while later processing remains context‐sensitive. Because this early equivalence is also consistent with a monotonicity‐based account, we frame the early‐equivalence/late‐divergence pattern as a tentative dual‐stage characterization to be tested in future work, rather than a decisive adjudication between theories.